Mr President, Honourable Senators,
the European Council meeting that will be getting underway tomorrow will be held at a point in time and in an international context that are even more difficult and, in some respects, even more dramatic, than those of previous meetings. The European Union is being called upon to provide strong and urgent responses to the difficulties it is facing, both internally and externally. It will therefore not be a routine Council meeting, and nor do I expect it to be a ‘simple’ one, so to speak (if there ever have been any).
There will inevitably be discussions about the terrible events that have led to bloodshed in the Middle East.
In this regard, before making any other observations, I would like to express, also here in this hall, my personal sympathy to the relatives of the victims of that terrifying attack by Hamas on 7 October, and my great concern for the fate of the hostages. I met with the family members of some of them at Palazzo Chigi yesterday. I also wish to express my deep shock at the brutality with which Hamas attacked defenceless citizens, not even sparing women, children and the elderly. The level of ferocity we have seen and the attempts to dehumanise those considered to be the enemy are only conceivable when religious and ideological fanaticism manages to cloud reason, annihilating any sense of humanity. This is very frightening to us as Italians, and as Europeans, because we have seen such images several times in our history, taking the most atrocious form precisely in the persecution of the Jewish people.
This is why there can be no ambiguity in condemning Hamas’s crimes in the strongest terms; there can be no distinction when it comes to condemning all forms of anti-Semitism, including that of Islamic origin and that disguised as an aversion to the State of Israel; there must be no doubt in supporting Israel’s right to exist and to defend its citizens and its borders, in line with international law.
This is the Italian Government’s position and the position that the Italian Government has expressed in all fora, from the European Council (which showed great unity with the joint statement issued on 16 October) through to the international summit held in Cairo last week. This approach guides, and will continue to guide, our action. At the same time, we are very concerned about the consequences the conflict unleashed by Hamas is having, especially on Palestinian civilians, and about the larger scale conflict that it may generate. 

This is precisely the reason why I decided to personally attend the Cairo Summit, choosing to be the only G7 nation to participate at leader level. At this stage, I consider dialogue with Arab and Muslim countries to be of vital importance – and Italy has historically acted as a bridge for dialogue between Europe, the Mediterranean and the Middle East – to avoid falling into the trap of a clash between civilisations, which would have unimaginable consequences.
I am purposely using the word ‘trap’ because I am convinced that the barbarity of the attacks by Hamas, with militia attaching cameras to their foreheads in order to film unthinkable scenes, such as the decapitation of newborns, had a precise purpose. That purpose was clearly not, could not have been, to defend the right of the Palestinian people, who instead are being used and trampled on by fundamentalist groups such as Hamas and their acts of terrorism. That purpose was rather to cause a much wider conflict, forcing Israel to react against Gaza, which would fundamentally undermine any attempts at dialogue and create an unbridgeable gap between Israel, the West and Arab countries, some of whom had, on the contrary, courageously endeavoured to normalise relations with the Jewish State through the Abraham Accords.
The strategy of fundamentalists to erase the State of Israel from the face of the earth is a long-term one – to make Israel an inhospitable land that you have to flee if you want to live in peace, if you want to have the right to raise children – and the normalisation process that was taking place in the region jeopardised that strategy.
We must therefore be aware of the different sides that are at play: on the one hand, there are those working on a process to normalise relations in the Middle East and for a prospect of increasingly close cooperation among all the players involved; on the other, there are those with an interest in encouraging confrontation and highlighting divisions - in the Arab world and, with different forms and levels of intensity, outside of the Arab world. All those who are on the right side of this confrontation must work together to prevent an escalation of the conflict, which would bring with it the risk of other regional players becoming involved, starting with Lebanon and Syria, as well as powers such as Iran and major geopolitical players like Russia and China, who certainly would not mind seeing the West’s attention being diverted away from other critical situations.
Civilians in Gaza, the rights of the Palestinian people and the institutions legitimately representing them – starting with the Palestinian National Authority – are themselves victims of Hamas’s policies, and the two things must not be overlapped. No cause can ever justify terrorism. No cause can ever justify a terrorist attack that is knowingly intended and organised to hit innocent civilians who have nothing to do with military dynamics. No cause can ever justify kidnapping or killing women and children, house to house.
When faced with such actions, a State is fully entitled to claim its right to exist, defend itself and ensure the security of its citizens and borders. However, a State’s reaction must never be driven by feelings of revenge. A State bases its reactions on precise security reasons, ensuring proportionate use of force and protecting the civilian population. These are the boundaries within which a State’s reaction to terrorism must remain, and I am confident that this is also the will of the State of Israel. We are aware that the fine balance between a necessary reaction and a disproportionate one, in a context in which Hamas is deliberately using the civilian population as a shield, is the hardest thing by far, but pursuing that balance is our main responsibility. The Government nevertheless appeals to Israel for places of worship in the Gaza Strip to be preserved, starting with Christian ones.

Our immediate priority remains humanitarian access, which is essential to prevent further suffering among the civilian population as well as mass exoduses that would contribute to destabilising the Middle East and, ultimately, also Europe. In this regard, the Government welcomed Israel’s creation of a humanitarian zone in the Gaza Strip, and indeed the European Commission’s decision to triple Europe’s humanitarian aid to Gaza, taking the total to over EUR 75 million. With regard to the controversy over the last few days surrounding a possible suspension of European development aid, I wish to specify that this was only about reviewing the aid in question in order to rule out that even only 1 euro could go to Hamas. These are significant amounts (EUR 1.17 billion for the 2021-24 period) that contribute to over 10% of the Palestinian National Authority’s budget, clearly attesting to Europe’s commitment in the Middle East. As far as Italy is concerned, we pay the utmost attention to where aid goes (more than EUR 45 million between 2022 and 2023 and another EUR 58 million in loans as assistance), and we also undertake to systematically check that there is no way for terrorist organisations to benefit from those resources.
We are also very concerned about the fate of the hostages in the hands of Hamas; the young Italian citizen Nir Forti and the Italian-Israeli married couple Eviatar Moshe Kipnis and Liliach Lea Havron did not make it. I believe I am conveying the feelings of everyone in this hall and the entire nation as I reaffirm our closeness and sympathy for their children, but also strongly call for the immediate release of all the other hostages, starting with women, children and the elderly. 
Likewise, we are continuing to work with our partners and allies to get foreign and European civilians out, in particular from Gaza. There are 19 fellow Italians waiting to get out, and a rapid reopening of the Rafah crossing, which is currently dangerous and impassable, is a key step we are steadfastly working on.

With regard to all these objectives, I am personally involved in an extensive network of contacts and meetings, as is the Minister of Foreign Affairs, to continue encouraging Arab partners, and the other parties involved, to play a constructive role in order to avoid the conflict spreading further. In recent days, I have had several discussions with Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu, Israeli President Herzog, President of the Palestinian National Authority Abu Mazen, Lebanese Prime Minister Mikati, President of the United Arab Emirates Mohamed bin Zayed, Emir of Qatar Al Thani, King Abdullah II of Jordan, Egyptian President al-Sisi, Algerian President Tebboune and King Hamad of Bahrain. I have also participated in Quint meetings with the leaders of the USA, UK, France and Germany. 
In all fora, and with all those I have spoken to, I have stressed the importance of contributing to a de-escalation of the conflict and of resuming a political initiative for the region as soon as possible, not only to solve the current crisis but also to achieve a structural solution based on the prospect of ‘two peoples, two States’. A requirement for this prospect must be that all players in the region recognise the State of Israel’s existence and security. As you know, EU Member States are fully aligned on this in terms of their views and intentions. I am personally convinced that working concretely on a structural solution to the Israeli-Palestinian crisis, and with a defined time frame, would also be the most efficient way to call Hamas’s bluff in the eyes of Palestinians and help to defeat it.

It goes without saying that the crisis in the Middle East concerns us directly. It concerns Italy, it concerns Europe, it concerns the West, not only because of the consequences it could have, but also because a world where international law is pushed aside along with the most basic rules of coexistence between States and peoples is a world that risks descending into chaos. This is what the Italian Government has been affirming ever since Russia’s war of aggression began against Ukraine, and this what we are reiterating once again today, in this hall: a world where there are no longer red lines that cannot be crossed is a less secure and less just world for all of us, not only for the States and populations who are directly involved in the conflicts. 
The only ones to benefit from disorder spreading on the world stage are those who have an interest in bringing an end to the complex system of rules on which peaceful coexistence between States is based. It is no coincidence that the Russian Federation has not specifically condemned Hamas’s ferocious attack and that Hamas has even expressed appreciation for President Putin’s position on the matter. This is also why the European Council intends to confirm its firm support for the Ukrainian people, who have been fighting for their nation’s freedom and independence for 608 days now. We must not make the mistake of weakening our common support for the Ukrainian cause. The Italian Government’s clear position on this is recognised and appreciated by our partners, which strengthens our nation’s importance in both European and international contexts, with the added value that Italy can bring in terms of concreteness and diplomacy becoming increasingly evident. As I have already stated several times in the past, we should all be proud of this, because it is in our national interest to support Ukraine and for a just peace to be reached, in full compliance with international law. This is our objective, and we are also committed to defining future security guarantees to be discussed in view of the negotiations for Ukraine’s accession to the European Union, as well as to addressing the challenge of reconstruction. In other words, we are looking not only to the present but also to a future of peace and well-being, a European future, for Ukraine.

With regard to food security, we continue to condemn Moscow’s decision not to renew the Black Sea Grain Initiative, and we support all efforts to ensure that agricultural products can reach international markets, because that choice above all impacts the countries that are most in difficulty; it is a war waged against the poor. If you look at it, it is probably no coincidence in this context, where the rules of international law are being undermined, that crisis situations are multiplying, showing growing tension at global level. 

At the European Council meeting we will therefore also be talking about what is happening in the Caucasus, the growing tensions between Azerbaijan and Armenia, the exodus of tens of thousands of people of Armenian origin from Nagorno-Karabakh, the risk of a new situation of destabilisation arising. This situation also requires the international community and Europe in particular to take more decisive action to avoid an escalation. At the same time, we will be discussing how the European Union and its Member States can best support dialogue and a normalisation of relations between Serbia and Kosovo in a context (the context of the Western Balkans) where Italy’s mediation role is recognised and appreciated by all. Lastly, we will also be discussing the reported damage to the energy interconnections between Estonia and Finland and how to bolster Europe’s ability to defend its strategic infrastructure.
However, the crisis in the Middle East also concerns us directly for another reason, and this will also be discussed at the European Council meeting: the issue of illegal migration and the risks to our security that this phenomenon can bring with it, even more so in the current scenario. 
All of Europe’s borders are under unprecedented migratory pressure, mainly due to an area of instability that stretches from the Atlantic to the Red Sea all the way to the Indian Ocean. A phenomenon of this scale requires us to counter ideological irrationality with concrete common sense. 
It is also disturbing to see the phenomenon of ‘lone wolves’ reappearing on our streets, killing innocent people and claiming to do so in the name of God, even with subsequent claims about it being on behalf of the Islamic State.
They want to go back to striking our freedom, our way of life. They want to see us scared and ready to give up our daily routines. In Europe, our response has to be strong and unequivocal. They will not succeed.
We therefore have a duty to raise our guard, as indeed we have done, starting with the implementation of protection measures for Jewish communities and high-risk locations across Italy, and as our public security forces, whom I thank on behalf of all Italians for the extraordinary work they do every day to serve the nation, have done in the last hours to bring a number of fundamentalists to justice who were ready to strike at any moment.

This is another scenario we have to deal with, with risks being connected to direct infiltration of jihadists from the Middle East as well as to the radicalisation of immigrants while they are on our territory – immigrants who often arrive illegally, misled by human traffickers and unable to find what they wanted here.
We must have the courage to say that, unfortunately, a connection may exist between terrorism and illegal immigration, and that those who, until now, have sufficiently dismissed this possible link for ideological reasons, fearing a clampdown on the failed open-door policies we have seen in the past, are mistaken, just as those who have not yet developed a more effective system to exchange information or a common policy for the repatriation of illegal immigrants, starting with those flagged as being radicalised, have also made a mistake.
Today, the Italian Government strongly supports all efforts in this direction. The European Commission has announced urgent legislative action on this issue. Italy welcomes this commitment and will work intensively with European partners to ensure this measure is effective, efficient and implemented rapidly.
Above all, however, there is all the more need to urgently work to stop irregular migration flows. 

In this regard, a distinction needs to be made between the two types of irregular immigration affecting Italy. Firstly, there is irregular immigration via sea, in relation to which we must once again reiterate that we cannot accept human traffickers being the ones to choose who has and does not have the right to enter Italy. Secondly, there is irregular immigration over land, following the Balkan route, often involving more sophisticated trafficking, with false passports being provided to migrants, making it much more difficult to filter and identify those entering illegally. 
The most recent reports by our intelligence services confirm that the greatest risks for us come from this Balkan route and these infiltration methods, which is why the Government took swift action by suspending Schengen and reinstating controls at the border with Slovenia.
I wish to thank the authorities and public security forces of Slovenia and Croatia, who so far have never failed to cooperate. Over the last few days, a total of 11 European States have so far adopted similar measures with other bordering European countries.
A number of important European politicians have commented on this situation, warning of the risk that, by continuing along this path, Schengen may fall apart and with it one of the pillars of European integration: free movement. This is a clear risk and we share this concern, but, a fortiori, the only way to prevent also this from happening is to work to defend the European Union’s external borders. Working on primary movements is the necessary condition to guarantee secondary movements.
This is something that everyone now understands; I cannot fail to note that a completely new awareness can now be discerned in the words of representatives of certain EU countries that are particularly affected by so-called secondary movements, who called a meeting between themselves a few days ago: there is no longer the tendency to offload the burden of this huge responsibility onto States of first arrival, such as Italy, but rather it is now fully acknowledged that the only possible response is to defend the external borders. 
I do not consider this new awareness to only be the result of an unsustainable number of irregular migrants arriving or of the dramatic circumstances of recent days following the jihadist attacks in Europe. I also consider it to be the result of the tireless work this Government has carried out, ever since it first came to office, at both European and international level, to achieve a serious and definitive change of approach in migration management.
No more open doors and redistribution, but rather protection of external borders, a relentless fight against human traffickers, agreements with third countries, legal channels for refugees and legal immigration quotas that are compatible with the needs of our economic system. 
This is the approach we have supported over the past year and that has been included in more than one official document; it is what inspired the EU-Tunisia Memorandum of Understanding and led the European Commission to present a ten-point plan, which President Ursula von der Leyen illustrated in Lampedusa.
 
In the last few hours, President von der Leyen has sent a letter to the European Council acknowledging the concrete steps that have been taken in this direction and announcing, among other things, an imminent measure to strengthen Europe’s legal framework and policies regarding the fight against human trafficking. This is a significant commitment that we are ready to support.
Allow me to also welcome, with satisfaction, the words of European Commissioner Johansson, who a few days ago acknowledged the significant reduction in the number of departures from Tunisia over recent weeks. I shall say this ‘on tip-toes’: in October, for the first time, the number of irregular migrants fell compared with last year. This is certainly the result of a reinforced political will to pursue that agreement despite a political side doing everything to try and sabotage it, not understanding that this would have harmed Italians and would have done the human traffickers a huge favour.
However, these figures are also the result of Italy’s bilateral work with the Tunisian government, aimed at strengthening cooperation in the fight against migrant trafficking. We know that this framework needs to be stabilised, but it is the right path and we must pursue it without hesitation.
Therefore, as part of our discussion on immigration during the European Council meeting, Italy will once again strongly support: immediate implementation of the agreement with Tunisia; full implementation of the ten-point action plan presented by the European Commission; the launch of a European naval mission, in agreement and in collaboration with North African authorities. However, let it be clear that in order to get this, not difficult, willingness from authorities in North Africa, it is also necessary to radically change the relationship with these authorities; that relationship must be based on respect and not on a paternalistic and predatory approach, as unfortunately has often been the case in the past. In addition, there is a need to strengthen cooperation mechanisms between intelligence services and police forces, in order to counter jihadist infiltration more efficiently, and for a more effective policy to immediately deport individuals flagged as being radicalised and for returns, which must be put in place by the European Union as a whole and not simply by individual Member States. 

That is not all. Italy will also support the need to include adequate allocations for migration policies in the 2021-2027 multiannual financial framework, both those to counter irregular flows and those regarding cooperation with migrants’ countries of origin and of transit, with the aim of giving substance to the spirit of the conference held in Rome last July and strengthening Italy’s proposal for a ‘Mattei Plan for Africa’.
We know this will not be an easy thing to achieve, because to date a different approach has prevailed in the European Council, that wants to limit increases in the multiannual budget to the expenditure items regarding Ukraine. However, we instead believe that it is necessary to reach an agreement by the end of the year and that this agreement must reflect a ‘package logic’. I will say this clearly: it would be a mistake to only revise the multiannual budget in order to increase aid to Ukraine, because if we are unable to respond to the consequences that the Ukraine conflict generates for our citizens, we will inevitably end up also weakening support for that cause. According to our idea, the ‘package logic’ does indeed provide for financial support for Ukraine but, as I was saying, it must also provide for the development of partnerships with Southern Neighbourhood countries and countries in Africa, especially with migrants’ countries of origin and of transit, and it must include the need to keep ambition high regarding the proposed ‘STEP’ regulation, the platform representing the first embryo of a ‘European sovereignty fund’, which will allow us to together invest new resources in cutting-edge technological sectors and, in this context, to have greater flexibility in using existing resources, especially with regard to cohesion. This is a fundamental tool to ensure a level playing field in the single market in view of the decision to ease State aid rules, a choice that inevitably puts Member States with greater fiscal capacity in a more advantageous position. We have already pointed out that the different abilities European Union Member States have to support their respective production sectors risk violating the conditions that form the basis of the European single market, and that this must be taken into account when discussing the next multiannual financial framework.
This Government supports everything that talks about the European Union’s strategic autonomy, substantially about sovereignty. I am referring to the Chips Act, the European law on semiconductors; the Critical Raw Materials Act; and indeed STEP, the initiative for critical technologies. I am essentially referring to everything that is needed to support the dual transition, limiting and ideally reducing our dependence on third countries, especially China and Asian countries.

Italy supports these measures, and believes they must be adequately funded. However, we also believe that imposing certain Green Deal measures in forced stages without having first taken action to reduce our strategic dependencies is a mistake that risks having a heavy impact on citizens, who could find themselves paying an unsustainable price for the dual transition.

This is why, at European level, the Government will continue to support the need for a pragmatic rather than an ideological approach to the transition, which we want to be based on broad and reliable impact assessments, on criteria of gradualness and economic and social sustainability, on the principle of technological neutrality and on financial instruments that incentivise and support businesses and citizens.
If defined and prepared well, the dual transition can be an extraordinary tool to strengthen European competitiveness or, on the contrary, if it is pursued with a short-sighted approach, it can lead to irreparable industrial desertification for our continent. We do not intend to allow that to happen.

This is also the context for the debate on the revision of the European Union’s fiscal rules. This issue is not formally on the agenda for this European Council meeting, as it is still being discussed at Finance Minister level, but the position of the Italian Government is clear on this: it must be a growth and stability pact and not a stability and growth pact. 
The European Union has identified the dual transition - the green transition and the digital transition – as being the pillars of its future growth. On the one hand, it has steered a large part of the investments provided for by national NRRPs [National Recovery and Resilience Plans] in this direction and, on the other, it has asked Member States to make further, significant efforts to provide funding for these priorities.
Similarly, the EU is asking us to continue to invest in defence and in instruments to support Ukraine, and, as has been said, we do not want to fail in this commitment.

In this context, counting the investments that are being encouraged, also by Brussels, in the deficit-to-GDP parameters, seems like a contradiction to us that risks undermining the very objectives of sustainability and security that we have set ourselves. This is why we will continue to support the need to keep these items separate, in full or in part.

Furthermore, the new rules must definitely aim to reduce public debt, but in a gradual and sustainable way, because only then can they be credible and applicable, overcoming the mistakes of the past. We can say this with the high level of credibility we have shown over this last year of government, with serious and responsible fiscal and budget policies that have been met with the confidence of both Italian savers (as can be seen by the success of the issuance of our government securities) and the markets (the Italian stock exchange has in fact returned to pre-2008 crisis levels and the BTP-Bund spread, so dear to many, remains steadily below the levels recorded before this Government came to office).
Lastly, a Euro Summit will be held in the margins of the European Council meeting, in the presence of European Central Bank President Lagarde and Eurogroup President Donohoe. During the summit, we will discuss the European Union’s economic outlook from a financial point of view and also in light of the latest interest rate dynamics. We will of course also discuss the initiatives to be adopted.

In conclusion, colleagues, as I said at the start of my speech, it will be an important European Council meeting and, at the same time, not without its critical issues. Firstly and more than a series of concrete measures, at this European Council meeting I expect a frank discussion on what we want our vision and mission to be as Europeans in a world that is calling upon us to face increasingly pressing and increasingly dramatic challenges.
Italy will address this discussion with clear ideas, standing tall and with the credibility it has earned over the past year, quickly proving even the most sceptical wrong. We have done so thanks to a coherent and well-defined vision, the trust of the Italian people which we feel strongly behind us, and thanks to the support of a solid political majority that stems from that trust – get over it –, thanks to a government that finally has a full term ahead and thanks to responsible and tireless work that has made everyone understand that we are proud to represent this extraordinary nation and, above all, that we have the ability and desire to play a leading role in all matters.
Because this is Italy, and we have finally realised it. Thank you.

[Courtesy translation]