Mr President, Honourable colleagues.
Good afternoon. The next European Council meeting on 13 and 14 December comes at the end of a complex year, during which both the European Union as a whole and individual Member States have had to face external challenges and threats that have influenced their agenda and that we are still having to deal with, and this will continue to be the case.
As is to be expected, the meeting that is about to be held will once again largely focus on the major issues on the international agenda.
There are a number of key issues on the agenda for Thursday’s and Friday’s meeting in Brussels, before which there will be an important summit with Western-Balkan countries: Russia’s aggression against Ukraine; the crisis in the Middle East; enlargement of the European Union; implementation of the EU’s new migration policy; revision of the multiyear budget to adapt it to the new challenges we are facing.

However, I would be lacking in intellectual honesty if I did not first address the issue on which Italy is most focused at the moment. Although not formally on the meeting agenda, this issue will in any case have very important repercussions for the resilience and future of the European Union. I am of course referring to the reform of the Stability and Growth Pact which, as you know, the Government has been working hard on for months with negotiating conditions that have been far from simple; during these months, we have never ceased to strive for a constructive and pragmatic approach to finally make it possible to balance the required level of soundness in national budgets and public debt sustainability with the support that is crucial for growth and investment.
This has not been the case until now and we cannot afford for this to continue going forward. However, despite certain simplifications I have read, which often fuel the idea of a contrast between so-called virtuous countries and those that, let’s say, like to waste money, between the frugal ones and the spendthrifts, I wish to say that, today, Italy’s negotiating position starts from a basis of our nation being recognised as being credible and reliable, thanks to this Government’s work, in particular thanks to the work of Economy Minister Giancarlo Giorgetti.
Despite very difficult negotiations, this issue is still being discussed and the final agreement has been postponed ideally to another meeting of ECOFIN (to be called in the days after the European Council meeting with the mandate to close by the end of the year), and this is because everyone in Brussels recognises that the Italian Government’s position is supported by responsible budgetary policy, the importance of which I wish to reaffirm once again today.

Despite what may often be said, Italy is a virtuous nation. This can first and foremost be seen by its primary surplus, which has recorded an almost constant increase since the early 1990s until today (with the exception of the Covid and post-Covid period) and, from 2024, we will be back in primary surplus. It can be seen by our pension system, which is still one of the most well-balanced in Europe. It can be seen by the measures adopted by this Government: in the last months, we have taken action to reduce unproductive expenditure; we have started to rationalise public sector expenditure; we have launched a privatisation plan which, however, and let it be clear, with this Government, will never amount to selling off [public assets].
This is all supported by: stable and satisfactory macroeconomic data; a labour market that is achieving record employment figures, particularly with regard to permanent employment; a stock exchange that is recording the best performance in Europe; a spread [the difference between the yield on an Italian BTP with a ten-year maturity, and the yield on a German Bund with the same maturity] that is under control; rating agencies that are famous for not being very accommodating expressing confidence in the Italian economy. Thanks to the efforts of the entire Government, and of Minister Fitto in particular, we have also achieved extraordinary results regarding the revision and implementation of our National Recovery and Resilience Plan (NRRP), as is now acknowledged by the European Commission, the European Council and all economic analysts.
I can still remember when, during the months of the election campaign, we made it known that we intended to revise the Plan, which had been drawn up in a completely different economic and geopolitical context to the one we have today, and this was, let’s say, mocked and belittled as an unrealistic intention, even branded as an irresponsible choice that would have taken Italy one foot out of Europe, jeopardising our international credibility as well as our public finances. With tenacity and perseverance, we have shown that this was not only possible but actually also necessary, and we have done it.
It is thanks precisely to the level of responsibility shown by our nation that, already today, pending the successful conclusion of the negotiations we are hoping for, we can say that, for the first time – I shall say it again, for the first time –, a decisive point that Italy has been making since the very beginning of negotiations has been recognised and accepted by all our European partners.
We cannot but express satisfaction that the latest draft of the agreement states that the debt-to-GDP ratio adjustment trajectory (currently planned at 0.5% per annum) must take into account the interest maturing on the debt incurred for investments in the dual green and digital transition and defence in the 2025-2027 three-year period. It is important that this has been recognised, not just in practical terms, allowing us to ease the impact of the debt reduction trajectory regarding budget laws in the coming years, but also in terms of principle. Thanks to Italy, a principle of consistency is being asserted - consistency between EU policies and the budget rules needed to allow the EU to implement those policies.
It would not have made sense to continue defining increasingly ambitious policies in the various sectors while keeping budget rules in place that limit the investments needed to achieve them.

It is our hope and we are working to ensure that this principle is firmly established, and not only limited to the years when we will be implementing our national NRRPs, as is unfortunately still the view of most European governments, of all political colours. However, if confirmed, this important point in our favour opens a very significant door for future discussions on budgetary matters, which we will participate in with increasing ambition, strengthened by this proactive position, which is also one of absolute common sense and which we hope will make more and more inroads also with the other governments.
After this long but necessary introduction, let us now come to the issues that will be on the meeting agenda.

The European Council meeting beginning on Thursday will be an important one because, as I said in my opening, the Heads of State and Government will be called upon to make decisions that are very significant from a geopolitical point of view for both the Europe of today and the Europe of tomorrow.

I shall start with the issue of EU enlargement which, as you know, I prefer to call ‘reunification’ of all those populations and nations that feel aligned with our continent’s values and identity. Based on the European Commission’s recommendations, we will be called upon to express our opinion on the opening of accession negotiations with Ukraine, Moldova and Bosnia and Herzegovina and on the granting of candidate status to Georgia. The Government strongly supports the Commission recommendation to open accession negotiations with Ukraine and Moldova, two European nations that have been severely affected by Russia’s unjustifiable war and by long-standing threats to their territorial integrity. For both countries, there are still some measures that need to be implemented before negotiations can effectively be opened, which the European Commission will be asked to report on by next March. Likewise, we agree with the recommendation to grant candidate status to Georgia; also in this case, the Commission has indicated the remaining measures to be adopted and I am convinced that Georgia will continue along its path of reforms with the same commitment it has shown thus far. Moving on to the Western Balkans, we strongly support, Italy strongly supports, Bosnia and Herzegovina’s European path.
Granting candidate status to Bosnia and Herzegovina last year has already led to progress with its path of reforms to join the European Union. Bosnia and Herzegovina will be able to make more progress within, rather than outside of, a framework of negotiations, and I believe that showing the government in Sarajevo that there is strong support for the country’s European path can have a very positive impact on internal dynamics. Also in this case, the Commission’s recommendation includes conditions linked to the implementation of several important domestic reforms which we hope will be respected. I’ve focused on Bosnia and Herzegovina because, as I mentioned, the Western Balkans will also be the subject of a dedicated summit prior to the European Council meeting. I consider this summit to be of particular importance because these nations cannot exactly be counted among the European Union’s external relations. The Balkans lie at the heart of our continent; it is not a region bordering the EU, it is a region within the EU’s borders. Hence why Italy is committed to asserting a strategic approach to the Western Balkans in Brussels, taking into account the need to provide these countries with clear European integration prospects, despite the area’s complex challenges.
This is also why Italy is proud to lead, together with Austria, a large group of countries that are ‘friends’ of the Western Balkans, including all their neighbouring nations; this is why we support the Growth Plan for the Western Balkans that the European Commission presented at the beginning of November. This plan provides for EUR 6 billion in financial assistance, consisting of grants and subsidised loans, as well as forms of gradual integration into the single market. As I was saying, this is all of course dependent on a path of reforms by the countries in question.
That said, enlargement clearly brings new challenges, which we must be able to address. During the European Council meeting, we will indeed be discussing the reform path that the European Union will be called upon to take in order to be ready to welcome new members in the coming years and, in particular, those with the largest populations and economies. We will need to work on updating how policies work - I am thinking in particular of the common agricultural policy, cohesion policies –, which is necessary to ensure they can continue to represent an added value for all Member States, as indeed we will need to reason about the budget and how European Union policies work, about the effectiveness of decision-making processes in a context that, in the future, will involve more than 30 Member States.

In this regard, Italy is of course actively participating in the debate regarding the definition of the EU Strategic Agenda 2024-2029, which the European Council will be called upon to adopt next June, indicating which areas the EU will be focusing its efforts on in the years to come.
In this respect, on 16 November this year, I personally attended an initial dinner with a small group of other invitees, organised by President of the European Council Charles Michel in Zagreb, and we will not fail to make our contribution in the coming months as well. Italy will focus on the priorities. We believe that such a large European Union makes it all the more necessary to focus on the major issues that Member States cannot deal with alone, while instead leaving Member States to deal with the issues that are closest to the lives of their citizens, respecting the principle of subsidiarity and thereby also strengthening Member States’ sovereignty.

Among the other major issues, Ukraine will not only be a focus of discussions on enlargement: the European Council meeting will also be an opportunity to reaffirm our common and comprehensive support to Kyiv.
Russian propaganda, especially in recent weeks, is trying to say that Ukraine’s resistance has failed because the counteroffensive has not yet liberated Ukrainian territory, and that efforts have therefore been in vain, particularly those sent by the West. According to this narrative, it would have been better to follow the advice of those who said that Kyiv should not be supported (this was also said by some here), because this choice was in any case useless. However, I believe that this is just propaganda and that reality says something rather different, and that is that we have reached the 656th day of war, yet those behind it had only planned for it to be a three-day special operation to annex the entire Ukrainian territory. During these 656 days, Russia has managed to invade only 11% of Ukrainian territory and, as of today, does not even fully control the four regions it has declared to have annexed, and all at an incredibly high cost in terms of lives lost, displaced persons and resources. I think that Ukraine has already won this war because it has made it impossible for Russia to occupy all of its national territory and it has done so by demonstrating incredible courage, by demonstrating incredible love of country, but also thanks to the support of free peoples in the West who have not resigned themselves to a future in the hands of despots and tyrants.
It has also done so thanks to the steadfastness of those leaders who have not looked the other way at the first sign of difficulty and who have not traded easy consensus today for jeopardising citizens’ freedom tomorrow. This is also why it is necessary to keep opposing Russia’s aggression with all our might, because Ukraine’s security is Europe’s security, and defending democracy and the international rules-based order today depends on defending Kyiv and its freedom, sovereignty and independence. As I have reaffirmed in all fora, this is why we are and will remain at Ukraine’s side. This issue will also be one of the priorities of our G7 Presidency in 2024.
We must clearly not lose sight of the goal of peace. The aim of supporting Kyiv and putting pressure on Moscow (also through a 12th package of sanctions that is being discussed in Brussels) is still, basically and above all, to create the conditions for a serious negotiation towards a just, comprehensive and lasting peace that respects Ukraine’s freedom and dignity.
Likewise, we must continue to address the global consequences of the conflict.
We are continuing to work with key players like the UN, and Turkey for example with regard to re-establishing secure corridors for the export of grain and food products from Ukraine. We reiterate the importance of initiatives such as the European Union’s ‘Solidarity Lanes’ and the Ukrainian Government’s ‘Grain from Ukraine’, which we announced we will be contributing a further EUR 2 million to during the international food security summit organised in Kyiv on 25 November.

Ukraine will also be a focus of the negotiations on the revision of the Multiannual Financial Framework, which Italy has always considered a geopolitical necessity. In this regard, we continue to reiterate that there are at least three priority areas for Italy:

1.    financial support for Kyiv, also with a view to reconstruction;
2.    more resources to manage the migration phenomenon, also by deepening relations with nations in the Southern Neighbourhood in order to build long-term, peer-to-peer partnerships;
3.    strengthening European industry through the Strategic Technologies for Europe Platform (STEP).

These and other goals, such as the need to find cover for the costs of financing NextGenerationEU debt, are undoubtedly ambitious. We agree with the Commission with regard to the proposal put forward on 20 June, in terms of both its spirit and the volume of resources required, and we will continue to work to ensure the revision of the budget guarantees adequate resources for all the challenges that Europe is being called upon to address, without dealing with any subject separately.
As I have already said in this Chamber and shall stress again, revising the multiannual budget only to find the necessary resources for Ukraine, without also dealing with those necessary to counter the consequences of the war for our societies, would not help Ukraine either, because it would distance public and European opinion, which is already being tested by the conflict. We are therefore working to look for and find a balanced solution that respects this approach, as agreed during the last European Council meeting in October, providing for a mix of new resources and a mix of budget reallocations as well as a reduction of the proposed increases put forward by the Commission. With regard to this point, however, it is crucial for us that, if coverage for some of these budget items, and I am thinking in particular of the STEP platform, is not guaranteed by new resources, then maximum flexibility must be guaranteed regarding the existing funds already available to Member States.
This would be a common sense and fair measure that would allow us to make up for, albeit partially, the competitive advantages that countries with greater fiscal space have had following the relaxation of State aid rules after the pandemic. In short, rationalising expenditure not only at national level but also in Brussels and flexibility to move available resources to where they are most needed in light of the current challenges. I of course make no secret of the fact that (as is always the case when the budget is discussed) I am expecting this discussion to be anything but simple. However, some progress has been made over the last few weeks.
I think that if all Member States show that they are ready and willing enough then the result can remain within reach.

Going back to international matters, the other EU Heads of State and Government and I will be taking stock of the latest developments in the situation in the Middle East and the tools we have to help find a solution that can also guarantee long-term peace and stability in the region.
You are well aware of the Italian Government’s position: strong condemnation of the terrorist attacks carried out by Hamas on 7 October and support for Israel’s right to exist and defend its citizens and borders, in line with humanitarian and international law.
In this regard, it was with great relief that we welcomed the temporary ceasefire from 24 to 30 November, which allowed for the release of 105 civilian hostages being held by Hamas in Gaza. On its side, Israel released 240 Palestinian women and children who were being held in Israeli prisons.
We continue to support all possible action to allow the hostages in the hands of Hamas to be reunited with their loved ones as soon as possible.
Unfortunately, hostilities resumed on 1 December following the Hamas attack in Jerusalem. Our efforts are nevertheless continuing and we must work with our partners for another ceasefire and to maintain the flow of humanitarian aid to the civilian population in Gaza, contain the tensions and avert the risk of them spreading to the rest of the region.
With this in mind, contact has been made with the various regional players. I have personally met with the leaders of Egypt, Jordan, the United Arab Emirates, Türkiye and Qatar, as well as with Israeli President Herzog, most recently in the margins of COP28.
At this incredibly delicate stage, it is crucial to send out messages to reduce the level of tension and push for a responsible approach that does not fuel the dynamics of the conflict, as it would have unimaginable consequences if it were to spread in a region that is so strategic for Italy and for the European Union.
In this context, we must avoid the Palestinian Authority becoming even weaker. This entity is in fact essential for post-war dialogue. It is imperative to strengthen our support for the Authority. The best way to respond to the unacceptable violence by Hamas has to be to give new political impetus to the two-State solution. We must guarantee solid political prospects for the Palestinian people, together with security for Israel.
As I already said during the last European Council meeting and intend to reiterate, Europe can and must reaffirm a leading role in this. Italy’s other priority at this time is to guarantee continuous, rapid, secure and unhindered humanitarian access in order to ease the suffering of the civilian population and prevent max exoduses which would further destabilise the region.
We have earmarked EUR 10 million to support the efforts of the United Nations and Red Cross and Red Crescent to ease the humanitarian situation in Gaza and, so far, we have sent two initial flights carrying humanitarian aid, on 30 and 31 October. After joining the initiative promoted by the United Arab Emirates to care for Palestinian children, I personally accompanied a first group of doctors from the Gaslini hospital and Bambino Gesù children’s hospital to Dubai on 30 November. Also with regard to healthcare, and following a proposal that was also coordinated with Israel, we decided to send the Italian Navy ship the ‘Vulcano’, which is equipped for emergency treatment and surgery. It docked at the Egyptian port of El Arish on 3 December and is now being used to treat injured Palestinian people, also with the help of Qatari doctors who will eventually be joined by doctors from Jordan and other countries, supporting the kind of operational integration that we believe can help provide effective humanitarian assistance to the civilian population in the Gaza Strip, as well as keeping cooperation with Arab countries strong.

I also wish to recall Italy’s strong commitment to preventing and combatting all forms of anti-Semitism. Domestically, education and prevention measures have been strengthened. At international level, Italy actively participates in negotiating fora to combat anti-Semitism and to preserve Holocaust remembrance. I thank both Vice-President of the Council of Ministers Tajani and Minister Piantedosi for this work. In the weeks immediately after the 7 October, we unfortunately saw a dangerous re-emergence of violence, terrorism and anti-Semitism.
Europe mourns several civilian victims who have lost their lives in knife attacks by Jihadist fanatics responding to the global call to Jihad made by Hamas. It is our duty to make our fellow citizens safe on European soil, by strengthening coordination between our police forces and intelligence services and through control and prevention activities, deporting and repatriating radicalised foreigners, controlling our external borders and fighting irregular immigration. At the same time, we must continue to guarantee maximum security for the Jewish communities being threatened by a growing wave of anti-Semitism, as indeed Italy has been doing since day one.
For those who are trying to take advantage of the dramatic events in Israel and Palestine to stir up anti-European, anti-Western and anti-Jewish hatred, I would like to once again clearly state that we will not be caught unprepared, we will defend our freedom, we will defend our democracies, we will defend our civilisation.
Remaining on the issue of security, and in connection with the difficult international context we are living in, it will also be useful to review cooperation at European level in the fields of security and defence, and in particular the full implementation of the commitments undertaken with the so-called ‘Strategic Compass’, which will continue to play a crucial role in the coming years for the credibility of the EU’s actions as a global security provider. In this regard, strengthening the industrial and technological base of European defence in particular is of fundamental importance, both to ensure that common ambitions are supported by adequate capacity and to be able to support our partners, starting with Ukraine. Italy and its defence industry are obviously ready to do their part in this.
It is with confidence that we therefore look to the future European Defence Industrial Strategy (EDIS) and European Defence Investment Programme (EDIP), which will be able to enhance our value chains and European expertise, without jeopardising the partnerships with our Allies.

Lastly, I want to focus on migration policies which, as you know, are a priority for this Government. We are committed to building a structural response to this structural issue, both in Italy and in Brussels, leaving behind a logic based on emergency and illegality. In this regard, the European Council meeting will provide another opportunity to take stock of the process to implement the multidimensional approach approved by the special European Council meeting in February, which is monitored on an ongoing basis and encouraged by the fact that, prior to each meeting, President von der Leyen sends letters to European Council members in which the Commission is called upon to report on the concrete actions that have been adopted to implement the plan (this was something strongly desired and requested by Italy). In addition to the adoption of the new pact on migration and asylum (which is still being discussed in inter-institutional negotiations), this plan also provides for more effective return policies for illegal foreigners and decisive investment in the external dimension of the EU’s migration policy, building peer-to-peer partnerships with migrants’ countries of origin and of transit. It is in fact necessary to strengthen cooperation with the countries of origin and of transit in order to prevent illegal departures, fight the traffickers, improve the returns system and expand legal migration channels. As I have said many times before, we need to gradually reach the point where we manage migration rather than endure it. This is not only about a practical approach to reach a structural solution, but also an ethical approach, and orderly as well as efficient and dignified reception, which prevents exploitation not only by human traffickers but also by criminal organisations. At the same time, supporting balanced and sustainable development in the countries of origin and of transit is the most effective way of tackling the root causes of migration. As you know, this is the philosophy that underpins the ‘Mattei Plan’, which in the meantime is taking important steps, systematising all the work that Italy, its administrations and its state-owned and private companies can do, and in part are doing, in countries on the southern shores of the Mediterranean and in Sub-Saharan Africa to build a virtuous and non-predatory cooperation model with said countries, thereby also pushing our partners to do the same, starting with Europe.
In this regard, we of course continue to support the European Commission in its efforts to fully implement the Memorandum of Understanding with Tunisia, but also to launch new agreements like the one announced with Egypt, in relation to which Italy will likewise also play a leading role, just as we welcome the presentation of the Action Plan for the Eastern Mediterranean which, combined with the action plans already presented, will complete the framework of reference for the European management of migration in the Mediterranean area.

We appreciate the work that has been done in the fight against migrant traffickers, in particular with the international conference on this issue that was organised in Brussels on 28 November, to which our Minister of the Interior was invited as a keynote speaker, and the presentation of new legislative proposals on this matter.
It couldn’t be any other way, because since the very start of our mandate we have pushed for the European Union to have its own, responsible and informed policy to fight illegal human trafficking; what was initially an isolated position is now a shared belief, and that is thanks to Italy.
This is also the context for the agreement between Italy and Albania on the management of migration flows which, together with the memorandum with Tunisia, represents the ‘Italian added value’ we want to bring as an additional contribution to discussions at European level. In particular, the agreement with Tirana is set to become an important tool to fight traffickers and to only allow those who have the right to international protection to enter Europe. In this regard, there is constant dialogue with the European Commission on implementation of this agreement, in order to substantiate our commitment to fully comply with European Union law as well as with national and international law (as indeed is written in black and white in the agreement itself).
It is frankly regrettable that, as was also the case regarding Tunisia, many of the voices criticising this have come from Italy, where some have attacked PM Rama’s government for daring to help our nation deal with migration pressure. It is regrettable and striking that there has even been talk of possibly requesting the expulsion of the Albanian Prime Minister from the European Socialist Party; clearly, for some left-wing Italians, helping Italy is considered a fault.
We, on the other hand, very much appreciate the fact that Albania, whose government has long been committed to its European Union accession path, has decided to act in the spirit of European solidarity despite not yet formally being part of our community. This also allows us to try a virtuous model of operational cooperation between an EU and a non-EU state, and it is no coincidence that this is also attracting concrete interest from other European Union Member States. As for those who, both in their home country and in Europe, seem to only want to undermine attempts at a better and more orderly management of immigration and a stronger fight against human trafficking: let them go ahead and continue trying to destroy things, for we will continue to be constructive, and Italians will continue to see the difference.   

In conclusion, dear colleagues, as I said at the start of my address, this will be an important European Council meeting and, at the same time, not without its critical issues. During this European Council meeting, I firstly expect courageous decisions more than just a series of specific measures, decisions that are capable of addressing the difficult times in which we are called upon to govern. As always, Italy will make its voice heard with a constrictive spirit and pragmatic solutions, strengthened by the credibility and stature it has clearly managed to gain in Europe over this last year of intense and productive work, holding its head high.
Thank you.

 [Courtesy translation]