Mr President, Honourable Deputies,
the European Council meeting to be held on 15 December, which is very important given the crucial matters on the agenda for discussion, will be the first where Italy is represented by the new Government. This, however, is not our first international engagement at leader level, as I have already attended, as you know, the COP27 in Sharm El Sheik, the G20 summit in Bali, the EU-Western Balkans summit in Tirana and yesterday’s G7 video conference. This will also not be my first time in Brussels as President of the Council of Ministers because, again as you know, the Government went on an official visit to Brussels on 3 November to meet with the heads of EU institutions: the President of the European Parliament, the President of the European Commission and the President of the European Council. It was no coincidence that my first official trip abroad as President of the Council of Ministers was to the European Union institutions: this was not a coincidence, it was a choice. This choice was based on an awareness and on a firm belief: the awareness that, in practice, it would not be difficult to show how far away this Government actually is in reality from a certain defeatist, and self-serving, narrative that was made abroad in the lead up to it being formed; and, the firm belief that Italy can and must play a leading role in Europe, in the interest of the entire European Union, while always being guided by the defence of its own national interest.
You see, colleagues, our, sometimes vehement, debates have always been around whether there needs to be “more or less Europe” in Italy. However, we have almost never asked ourselves whether there needs to be more or less Italy in Europe. The aim of this Government is to have more Italy in Europe, on an equal footing with the other Member States, as indeed should be the case for a great founding nation. This means not being limited to merely approving downstream choices, but rather contributing to defining those choices upstream, having our nation’s voice heard in order to guide European integration towards more efficient responses to the great challenges of our time and towards an approach that pays greater attention to the needs of citizens, households and businesses. 
The items on the agenda of Thursday’s European Council meeting are extremely important and Italy is well positioned to offer its authoritative contribution: Russia’s aggression against Ukraine; security and defence; energy; relations with Europe’s southern neighbours; transatlantic relations; the Union’s enlargement. These may seem like different issues, but they actually have one fundamental aspect in common: they all involve the EU’s strategic sovereignty and its ability to guarantee our citizens’ security and social-economic well-being, which were first challenged by the pandemic and then threatened by the war in Ukraine and the domino effect of consequences it has caused, starting with the impact of energy price rises. These are global challenges that Europe and the West as a whole must be able to address with vision, strategy and effectiveness. As a founding member of both the European Union and the Atlantic Alliance, Italy does not intend to shy away from this task.
We are called upon to play a leading role, not a supporting one, in these discussions, strengthened by the ability we have shown to honour our part of the commitments undertaken by free nations that have chosen to follow a common path based on the shared values of freedom and democracy. Our national interests and the interests of our citizens inevitably correspond to these values, given that history has taught us that there can be no well-being and development where there is no justice, peace and freedom. 
This is why we believe the European Union must continue to stand united in supporting Ukraine against the Russian aggression. As always, our position on this has not changed, because our beliefs do not change depending on whether we are in Government or the opposition.
We have fully supported efforts to help Ukraine right from the very beginning, in terms of both policy and the military dimension and with regard to humanitarian and economic-financial aid. In line with the efforts being made by the European Union, NATO and other nations close to us, the Italian Government reaffirms its full support for Kyiv in all of these interlinked dimensions, because, as I have said many times before, respect for international law is not the only thing at stake, and this conflict involves not only the free and peaceful future of the Ukrainian people and institutions, but that of the whole of Europe too. In other words, whether those who would prefer to look the other way (in some respects understandably, considering the crises we are living through) like it or not, the conflict in Ukraine affects us all.
This is why we will determinedly and openly continue to support Ukraine’s European path and we will continue to work hard to ensure that all diplomatic efforts are made to help bring the Russian Federation’s aggression to an end. Considering that there have been only timid encouraging signs (such as the exchange of prisoners or the trade agreement for Ukrainian grain and fertilisers) and that unacceptable actions continue (such as Russia’s deliberate attacks on civil infrastructure), today, there unfortunately appears to be only rather limited room for manoeuvre regarding a ceasefire. Italy will in any case support efforts in this regard and actually believes that the European Union must take on a stronger role, regaining its geographical and geopolitical vocation, to the benefit of the entire continent’s security.
Pursuing this objective and helping the Ukrainian people means Italy contributing to European and international support for Ukraine, also in military terms. I wish to repeat something in this regard and that is that, moving beyond any easy propaganda regarding peace, there have only ever been two possible ways for hostilities to end in these circumstances: one of the two sides perishes, or gives up, and should that side be Ukraine then we would find ourselves faced not with peace, but with an invasion; or, there is a substantial balance between the forces on the ground, and therefore a stalemate in the conflict, forcing the invading side to desist from their intentions and relent.   
This is why Italy must continue to do its part to pursue peace, yes, but a just peace. It must do so within the European Union, both through the European Peace Facility, the financial instrument that partially reimburses the equivalent economic value of the military aid provided to Kyiv, and by participating in the European mission to train Ukrainian military personnel.  We are also playing a leading role within NATO, with measures being activated to strengthen the position of deterrence and defence on the Euro-Atlantic area’s eastern flank.  We are providing a concrete contribution to a number of other fora being promoted by the United States, such as the Ukraine Defense Contact Group, which coordinate various actions to support Ukraine not only in terms of military and humanitarian aid but also with regard to industrial cooperation, also with a view to prospects linked to Ukraine’s reconstruction.

In short, Italy has honoured its international commitments since the beginning of the war, supplying military aid on various occasions by virtue of the five inter-ministerial decrees approved by the previous Government. The Ministry of Defence is currently delivering the materials provided for by the fifth decree that was approved in October, and this should be completed by the end of December. 
We also remain committed to sanctions, including the recent freezing of EUR 345 million in funds and almost EUR 2 billion in assets attributable to persons subject to sanctions. Although sanctions may well be painful for our productive fabric, they have proven to be effective as they are undoubtedly having an effect on Russia’s war effort and play a crucial role in bringing the end of the conflict closer and leading to sustainable negotiations.
A few days after the European Commission set a price cap for crude oil and petroleum oils originating from or exported by Russia, discussions have begun to define a ninth package of European sanctions, focused on a new and large number of individuals and entities and on new sector-specific measures. We have approached these new discussions with an open mind, aiming at imposing costs on Russia that must, of course, always be higher than those being borne by European countries.
This is why it is important for us to also monitor the consequences of sanctions and, in particular, the repercussions in terms of energy and employment, as the Government did in the case of the ISAB-Lukoil refinery in Priolo, which we have enabled to continue working even after 15 September (when the ban on importing Russian crude oil came into force). Allow me to stress the importance of this measure: the Government took action on one of the many so far unresolved issues, protecting a strategic national energy hub and defending levels of employment, given that a total of approximately ten thousand workers have been safeguarded. We did this because defending Italy’s national interest is also about not making Italian citizens pay for the sanctions that are rightfully being imposed on Russia.
With regard to the reception of Ukrainian refugees, Italy continues to support the European Union’s coordinated and solidarity-based response to the massive influx of people fleeing the bombings and hardship, made worse by Russia’s strategy of targeting electricity power plants in an attempt to weaken the tenacity of the Ukrainian people through cold temperatures and darkness. The majority of reception efforts have been made, with warmth, generosity and a spirit of brotherhood, by eastern European countries, Poland first and foremost. I wish to thank them for this, and Italy has also contributed to these efforts. More than 172,000 temporary protection requests have been registered in Italy, the majority of which refer to women and children, who have been warmly welcomed into our schools thanks, above all, to the extraordinary work of our teachers. We are also committed to providing humanitarian assistance, organising for more than 66 tonnes of goods to be transported. We are proud of the great solidarity that Italy has shown towards the Ukrainian people at this dramatic time. 
The European Council will be called upon to also reaffirm, together with our partners, the commitment to provide financial assistance and to help rebuild Ukraine. The European Commission’s recent proposal of EUR 18 billion in macro-financial support for all of 2023 confirms the willingness to provide ambitious and lasting support. Italy has contributed EUR 110 million in support for the general budget and EUR 200 million in charge-free loans. According to estimates by the World Bank and the European Commission, Ukraine’s reconstruction will require EUR 349 billion, such is the devastation caused by Russian bombings, and I am afraid this figure is destined to increase the longer the war continues. Intense coordination will therefore be necessary at international and European level, and adequate participation will also be required by third countries, multilateral organisations and the private sector, as I reaffirmed during yesterday’s G7 meeting.
The next European Council meeting will rightfully reaffirm the importance of global food security and, therefore, of the ‘UN Black Sea Grain Initiative’ and European solidarity corridors. In this case, solidarity regards both Ukraine and the countries and regions around the world that are hard hit by the rising prices of basic foodstuffs. Fighting food shortages is undoubtedly one of the Union’s moral duties, but this is also closely related to European security, as we would be directly affected by the consequences of instability in African countries needing food. We must not allow Putin to use food shortages as a weapon against Europe, as he is already doing with oil and gas.   
 
The European Council will once again be dealing with the impact of rising energy prices on European economies, as has already been the case since October last year thanks to the impulse given by Italy, with the aim of setting the European Union on a path to energy security, focused in particular on price management and on diversification away from Russian supplies.
The Council of EU Energy Ministers is meeting again today, 13 December; Italy has been at the forefront of proposing effective solutions for months, such as the dynamic price cap. In this regard, as of today, we do not believe the European Commission’s proposal is satisfactory, as it is unworkable under the given conditions. For us, curbing speculation is fundamental. I want to be clear on this: when it comes to energy, the stakes for the European Union are very high, as this defines Europe’s ability to protect its households and businesses without allowing unilateral logic to prevail, according to which countries with more fiscal space can take action on their own while those with low spending capacity may be left behind.
It is clear to everyone that a mechanism allowing for a different level of protection to be given to enterprises within the Union, varying from nation to nation, would distort the single market, and this would penalise not only Italy but the whole of Europe. This is why the majority of Member States are now asking for a dynamic cap to be introduced on gas and energy prices. In fact, albeit with different sensibilities, Belgium, Bulgaria, Croatia, France, Greece, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia and Spain are with Italy. What is certain is that dealing with this historic challenge in a random way, thinking that economically stronger countries can save themselves if necessary, to the detriment of others, would not only be delusional but would also betray the reality of a very different Europe to the one that has been extolled in these years. The speculation that is draining vital resources from our economies must be stopped, and we must ensure there are adequate resources for everyone. For us, it is therefore essential that the European Union, pending approval of the REPowerEU instrument, makes rapid progress also in making European funds available to Member States to help households and businesses, and ensuring greater flexibility regarding the use of non-committed cohesion funds. 
The European Council will also discuss security and defence. The European Union’s commitment to supporting Ukraine has seen the EU make a qualitative leap towards a common defence, complementary to NATO and in line with the historic and strategic role played by transatlantic relations for the continent’s security and stability. The European Council intends to recognise the greater responsibility taken on by the EU, also regarding increased strategic autonomy, the ability to establish itself as a supplier of global security and the strengthening of the continent’s industrial and technological capacities. This recognition comes under the banner of transatlantic relations, which are reflected both in the Strategic Compass adopted by the European Council last March and in NATO’s Strategic Concept. The European Union’s strategic autonomy must be interpreted as an opportunity to strengthen its defence capabilities and as a European pillar within NATO.
A number of common security and defence priorities will also be discussed, such as the rapid adoption of regulations for joint procurement and greater investments in cybersecurity and in the resilience of critical infrastructure.
I believe the fact that these matters are appearing on the European Council’s agenda more and more frequently is a sign of greater awareness of strategic priorities, which we have not always seen in the past; a sign of political focus on the major issues that we believe should be encouraged.
During Thursday’s European Council meeting, there will also be an in-depth discussion about transatlantic relations. The United States recognises Europe as being a “partner of first resort”. The Ukrainian crisis has made it even more clear that, in the face of existential threats, it is essential that the European Union is compact and has a political role. Italy firmly supports closer cooperation between the European Union and the Atlantic Alliance. Ensuring the long-term resilience of the western front and of the renewed unity of purpose in sectors of common interest is a priority, within the framework of the Joint Transatlantic Agenda, which was launched at the summit held on 15 June 2021, and its various instruments for economic and political cooperation. With regard to trade, significant progress has been made on the main bilateral disputes. The EU-US Trade and Technology Council, a key outcome of the EU-US summit which marks the relaunch of a positive bilateral trade agenda, is an important way to increase trade and investment, to support technological and industrial leadership based on shared values and to provide a forum for dialogue on issues where there is not full agreement.
The US Inflation Reduction Act, involving 369 billion in tax incentives for investment, for the production of electrical vehicles and batteries, renewable energy and the relative storage and renewable hydrogen and for carbon dioxide capture and storage, is instead a cause for concern, as we cannot hide the potential distortive and discriminatory effects this could have on European companies. In this regard, the fact that a dedicated transatlantic task force was established at the last EU-US Trade and Technology Council meeting to address any distortions caused by implementation of this measure, is a first positive sign. I also discussed this during my bilateral meeting with US President Biden in the margins of the G20 Summit in Bali. The cooperative approach in EU-US relations of course does not prevent Europe from promptly protecting its own industries. The Italian Government is ready to support all efforts for European-level action aimed at defending the purchasing power of our households and the competitiveness of our enterprises. We positively consider measures that promote competitiveness and protect strategic production sectors, while preserving the integrity of the single market, without discrimination. A level playing field regarding competitiveness is a fundamental condition for our companies, and must be guaranteed both vis-à-vis the US market and within the European market itself. 
Another significant issue for Europe’s stability, included in the European Council’s ‘external relations’ section, refers to the Western Balkans and the European Council’s support for the conclusions of today’s meeting of the General Affairs Council in Brussels regarding enlargement. The current international scenario forces us to reflect on Europe’s role as a global player, being aware that any ‘strategic gaps’ will be filled by others, starting, of course, with areas that are of direct interest to us. This is particularly true for the Western Balkans, whose stabilisation represents a priority for Italy and for all of Europe, also in terms of security. 
A credible prospect of accession remains the most powerful tool available to the European Union to keep nations in this region anchored to our values. The Government reaffirmed this position during the EU-Western Balkans summit held in Tirana on 6 December. This summit allowed for the European Union’s actions and visibility to be strengthened in the region, which is among the most exposed to the consequences of the conflict in Ukraine and indeed to Russia’s destabilising influence. With this in mind, we must keep up the spirit created by the opening of negotiations with North Macedonia and Albania. The need for European integration is something that unites all populations in the Western Balkan region and, today more than ever, I realise how, for these countries, this integration involves great demand for Italy. We must seize this opportunity. Ensuring concrete progress is made along the European path of Western Balkan countries means giving Italy a more central position in Europe. The European Council will discuss this again and we believe the concrete result that is most within reach is the granting of candidate status to Bosnia and Herzegovina, in accordance with the conditions stated in the European Commission’s recommendation of 12 October. This is essentially about sending a signal, but a very important one for the entire region. The Government is following the growing tensions in the northern areas of Kosovo where there is a Serbian majority, with concern; with the joint mission by Minister [of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation] Tajani and Minister [of Defence] Crosetto, we affirmed our willingness to play a key peacekeeping role where Italian troops, whom I thank, have been present for many years as part of the ‘KFOR’ mission. We condemn the attack on the EULEX mission and call upon all parties involved to fully comply with the existing agreements. 
The European Council will also discuss relations between the EU and its southern neighbours, which is opportune because Russia’s aggression against Ukraine has shown, once again, how deeply interconnected the two sides of the Mediterranean are. North African countries are suffering real repercussions from the conflict, and these repercussions, affecting an already fragile situation, increase the risk of instability, also in terms of effects on migration flows. The central Mediterranean route has been considered a priority for the first time in a European Commission document. This had never happened before and this would not have happened if Italy had not determinedly raised two matters: respect for international legality and the need to tackle the migration phenomenon at structural level. We continue to be convinced that we must move from discussing redistribution to discussing a common defence of the Union’s external borders. A cooperation framework is needed based on legal flows and on effective action to prevent and counter irregular flows, stopping the departures and working on European management of repatriations. Over 94 thousand people have arrived in Italy since the beginning of this year; together with other countries of first entry in Europe, Italy is bearing the heaviest burden in protecting Europe’s borders against human trafficking in the Mediterranean. We do not plan on pretending that this is fine, also because when I read about gunfights between Libyan ministry forces and people smugglers at sea, or about human traffickers who are ready to throw people into the sea should things not go to plan, I become even more convinced that making these ‘slave traders’ of the third millennium rich has nothing to do with the concept of solidarity. 
Faced with a phenomenon of this scale, which involves the countries of origin and of transit as well as the countries of destination, it is necessary to involve not only the whole of the Union but also the countries along the southern shores of the Mediterranean. This is why we believe the EU has to relaunch effective implementation of the commitments undertaken a long time ago with regard to cooperating on migration with our partners in Africa and the Mediterranean, involving them more in the prevention of and fight against human trafficking. The southern side of the migration challenge is no less important than the eastern one, and we will work to ensure that these two fronts are addressed with equal attention, which has not always been the case so far.
Also in this regard, Italy can and must play a leading role. As also emerged during the summit of Southern European Union Countries held in Alicante, cooperation must be strengthened with Mediterranean countries in the sectors that are currently of international importance (energy, food security and migration) and adequate funding must be provided to our southern neighbours, duly prioritising joint efforts against illegal migration. One of Italy’s main objectives in the Euro-Mediterranean region is to have the southern dimension of the European Neighbourhood Policy further developed, transforming it into a real ‘Mediterranean partnership’ that deals with more than just crisis management and that goes beyond bilateral relations.
Our nation is a connection and natural energy bridge between the Mediterranean and Europe, thanks to its geographical position, infrastructure and the precious contribution of its companies. This Government intends to pursue the strategic objective of making Italy an energy hub, connecting the southern shores of the Mediterranean with the rest of Europe through gas pipelines – which will eventually transport green hydrogen – and electricity power lines. In this regard, I wish to recall that the European Commission recently gave its go-ahead for EUR 307 million in co-funding for a new electricity interconnection between Italy and Tunisia. This project will be completed by TERNA [Italian electricity grid operator] and its Tunisian counterpart STEG, and will create a new energy corridor between Africa and Europe, supporting energy supply security and an increase in energy production from renewable sources. Through cooperation projects such as this one, we are working to have Italy promote a ‘Mattei plan’ for Africa: a virtuous cooperation and growth model between the European Union and African nations; an approach that, taking its example from the great Italian Enrico Mattei, is based not on predatory actions towards African nations, but on cooperation and on development that guarantees growth, dignity and employment, creating the conditions to defend the right not to have to emigrate, rather than the right to have to emigrate, which has been supported until now. 
Lastly, we welcome a signal being included in the European Council meeting conclusions condemning the death sentences in Iran following the protests in the country. The Iranian Authorities’ use of force against peaceful demonstrators, against women, is unjustifiable and, above all, unacceptable. This Government will always be committed to defending and respecting human rights and fundamental freedoms, in Iran and in the rest of the world.
To conclude, this Government is committed to showing how much Italy can be of added value in the European context, combating the false narrative that Italy is struggling along and almost represents a burden for the European Union. Not only are we founders of this integration process, not only do we have a central role in the continent’s geopolitical dynamics, but we are also an indispensable pillar for economic and social growth throughout Europe. This is the Italy we wish to represent at the European Council meeting, with the support of the Italian Parliament and with the mandate you will give to us today.

[Courtesy translation]